Georgia Douglass Camp Johnson (1918), an African American female poet wrote, "The heart of a woman goes forth with dawn,/ as a lovebird, soft winging, so restlessly on./ A far o'er life's turrets and vales does it roam./In the wake of those echoes the heart calls home./ The heart of a woman falls back with the night/and enters some alien cage in plight./And tries to forget it has dreamed of the stars,/while it breaks, breaks, breaks, on the sheltering bars.
Historically, middle-class White women have not appreciated the differences among themselves, Black women, and other women of color. Nor, have they acknowledged the unique challenges and issues confronting women of color as multiple oppressed people in terms of the impact of racism and sexism. Because feminism and feminist therapy are intertwined with gender, race, and politics, it is important to set this discussion of Black feminism and feminist therapy in the context of the historical path of the women's movement. Further, to truly understand the unique experiences of women of color, the dialogue must be broadened to include, for example, the history of the Black civil rights movements and the American Indian Movement (AIM).
From these historical data, themes emerge such as women of color's relationship to our personal and political histories and how it connects us to our foremothers, and our relationship with ourselves as women with an oppressive racial identity. Therefore, by tracing the similarities and historical elements that shaped both the Black civil rights and feminist movements, we broaden our understanding of feminist therapy as it relates to women of color, specifically African American women. Thus, the purpose of this article is to illustrate how African American women's experiences of racial and sexual discrimination in the Black and feminist liberation movements during the abolitionist and modern civil rights eras have negatively affected and limited African American females' participation in third-wave feminism.
The Black and the Women's Freedom Movements
The pervasiveness of racism and sexism that existed in the Black and women's liberation movements rendered Black women almost nonexistent in both worlds (Breines, 2002; Hull, Bell-Scott, & Smith, 1982; Oyewumi, 1999). As a consequence, those racist and sexist narratives remain in the consciousness of present-day African American feminists, specifically the older Black feminists, and this memory continues to be a strong force in alienating African American women, and other women of color from White feminist organizations. Nevertheless, the lack of participation with White women in women's liberation has been costly and detrimental to African American and White women's gains regarding gender issues.
In terms of the liberation movements, historically, women's protest has paralleled or followed the Black civil rights protest, which always surged up under the more intense and creel acts such as lynching in early 20th century--then late 1950s through 1968 (Zangrando, 1980). In the second half of the nineteenth century, the women's movement (first wave feminism) resembled the Black movement in its quest for equal rights. However, in contrast, the Black movement's issues of equality were more focused on the human atrocities such as lynching and massacres of African slaves.
Some authors have written that women involved in the first wave of feminism began the reform activities as champions for the rights of others (e.g., Tobias, 1997), whereas according to others, they were advocates for their own rights (e.g., Staples, 1972). Regardless of the view or motive, 19th century White women were strong supporters of charitable organizations, prison reforms, and the abolition of slavery (e.g. Sarah and Angelina Grimke) without them themselves having any status, respect, or power (Baxandall, 2001; Lerner, 1988).
During the 20th century, for a second time, the civil rights movement of the 1960s' ignited a resurgence of the women's movement (second wave feminism). Although there was similarity between the feminists and the African Americans of the 60s (e.g., badly educated and victims of the same patriarchal system); unlike the first wave of feminism, there was no visible deep bond or sharing of agendas between the two movements and a lack of collaboration with Black feminists (Hare, 1976; Jordan, 1978).
Feminist Consciousness in African American Women
Out of necessity, African American women, as forerunners of women's rights, have a strong tradition of advocating on behalf of women's independence and liberation (Baxandall, 2001). Yet, ironically, African American women have not perceived feminism and the feminist agenda of White female middleclass women as having anything to do with them, and therefore have shunned White women liberation groups (Mansbridge & Smith, 2000). Except for Sojourner Truth and a few other Negro women, recognition of the existence of a feminist consciousness for African American women was virtually nonexistent during the first wave of feminism at the end of the 19th century and the turn of the 20th Century.
Yet again, during the second wave of feminism, African American women were strong advocates of feminism, and once more there remained very little awareness, support, and collaboration from Black women or the Black community (Springer, 2001) in the women's movements. What's more, a lack of collaboration of women of color with White women in first, second, and third wave feminism can be attributed to several factors including the lack of attention given to how the multiple oppressions of race, gender, and class the and dynamics of the interplay of these oppressions with politics adversely affect their lives (Hamer, 1998; Robinson & Swartz, 2004; Taylor, 1998). The last four centuries of slavery and racism launched against the survival of the African American family and community, may have caused many African Americans, both male and female, to view sexism as a factor of minimal importance.
Applying the concept of multiple systems of domination from multiracism feminism theory (Zinn & Dill, 1996), Black feminism and revolutionary Black feminist theory, and Stone's (1979) model on the Absence of Feminist Consciousness in Black Women provide a framework for understanding African American women's oppressive experiences in the liberation movement, as well as their lack of visibility and participation in third-wave feminism.
Multiracial feminism has been described as a body of theory in progress. According to Zinn and Dill (1996), multiracial feminism theory conveys the multiplicity of racial groups and feminist perspectives and offers a body of knowledge that positions both men and women in multiple systems of domination. Further, the theory uses race, rather than culture as a power system that interacts with other structured inequalities to shape genders.
In contrast, Black feminism emerged as a response to the racism in the White middle class theories. Similar to multiracial feminism, Black revolutionary feminism attacks the multiple oppressions of racism, sexism, and poverty simultaneously and emphasizes the need to identify the form of oppression that is the most dominant and has the most detrimental effect on Black women (Collins, 2000; Hamer & Neville, 1998; Taylor, 1998). According to Hamer and Neville (1998), Black feminism aims to "Provide clarity on the complexity and multiple forms of oppression that women of color confront and offer theoretically grounded strategies necessary to guide our transformation into a society in which all forms of oppression are eliminated" (p. 22). In another vein, Stone's model on the absence of female consciousness provides yet another len for looking at African American women's estrangement from feminism.
It is in the context of both multiracial and Black feminist perspectives that Stone's treatise is introduced as a third framework to understand African American women feeling alienated from third-wave feminism. That is, a framework that examines the different experiences (e.g., historical, economic) that positions White women and men and Black women and men in multiple systems of domination and oppression.
According to Stone (1979), five factors contributed to an absence of feminist consciousness among African American women during the civil rights of the 60s and 70s feminism: the view that sexism was racially divisive; White women's racism; the importance of African American men's liberation; the myth of Black matriarchy; and the Black church. These five factors were evident in first-wave feminism and provide a compelling case for African American females' minimal participation in not only second-wave feminism, but also third wave.
Feminism Wedging a Rift between African American Men and Women
Noted male scholars such as Hare (1976) and Staples (1973) and many African Americans (including African American females) during the civil rights era believed that the feminist movement would not only divert African American women from the mission of the Black movement itself, but also exhaust the passion, ambition, and vigor of the Black movement. Hare (1976) wrote regarding the converse effect of the feminist movement on the Black movement:
The Black psychiatrist, Frantz Fanon, described how the liberal oppressor attempts to subdue the rising consciousness of the oppressed by introducing the idea of women's liberation at a certain point. In the United States, this process began very faintly with the non-violent movement of the early 1960's, but escalated along with the black consciousness movement in the late 1960's. As the women's movement emerged, the black movement declined. (p. 20).
Similarly, Staples (1973) wrote, "What I am defending ... is the integrity of the black community from the assault on its male population, an attack which threatens to tear our community asunder by its attempt to blame the victim for actions which must be largely placed on the machinations of racism and capitalism." (p. 63).
In the past, African American scholars and activists viewed a feminist consciousness as a force that could generate internal conflict between African American males and African American females. To the contrary, there were African American feminists like Stone (1979) who believed that the feminist consciousness would enable both African American men and women to become more aware of the social problems that were stifling the Black race. She believed that this raised consciousness might prevent African Americans from imitating the dominant culture mistakes, by falling into the same trap that has crippled White Americans' interpersonal relationships, mainly sexism.
She also believed that female consciousness would serve only to strengthen the close intimate bonds that are constantly being erased by what she described as interpersonal sexism. Nevertheless, contemporary African American feminists, along with feminist-of-color writers, continue to refute the argument that working against sexism is somehow counter to combating racism (Marbley, 2003; Mansbridge & Smith, 2000; Taylor, 1998) and that women of color can love men of color and hate sexism (Hamer, 1998).
White Women's Racism
White women racism significantly undermined feminist organizing over the past three waves of feminism, and as such, racism has not escaped the minds of African American women. For instance, many Black feminists felt that the women rights movements were not uniquely for the liberation of Blacks or Black Women. Rather, efforts such as women's suffrage and abolition of slavery ultimately uplifted, strengthened, and benefited White society and White women (Hamer & Neville, 1998; Mansbridge & Smith, 2000; Stone, 1979).
Although African American feminist and Womanist writers and scholars (e.g., Alice Walker, Audre Lorde, Maya Angelou, bell hooks, Jacqueline Jackson) from multiple disciplines have reported similar racist experiences in White feminist organizations, White women have been slow to admit the racism. White feminists refusal to acknowledge White privilege, their ability to oppressed Black women and other women of color, and the racist female tradition has alienated and negatively impacted Black women's participation in White feminist liberation movement groups.
According to hooks (1991), "Black feminists found that sisterhood for most White women did not mean surrendering allegiance to race, class, and sexual preference, to bond on the basis of the shared political belief that a feminist revolution was necessary so that all people, especially women, could reclaim their rightful citizenship in the world." As a result of being alienated from White feminism, Womanist, a term Alice Walker (1983) coined, became a way that Black women could identify themselves as feminists without connecting themselves to the racism within some feminist movements.
Walker (1983) defines Womanist as the opposite of girlish, that is frivolous, irresponsible and not serious, but rather outrageous, audacious, willful, serious, responsible, grown-up, and the like. She further defines Black Feminists and feminist of color; a female who loves other women, sexually or non-sexually; one who loves music, dane the moon. Love the Spirit, love, food and roundness, one who Loves struggle, Loves the Folk, Loves herself; and lastly, she says that, ""Womanist is to feminist as purple to lavender" (p.12). In short, Womanist turned out to be a vehicle to show opposition to racism in White feminism, broaden feminism, and differentiate the struggle for gender equality undertaken by women of color. Although racism made African American women reluctant to admit that there are any significant similarities between themselves and their white counterparts and kept them from fully participating in the White women's movement, it did not keep them from women agendas, feminism, or organizing.
The Black women whose remained strong feminists during the second wave reported that it was because they were active in organizations who membership consisted of all or the majority of women of color. Barbara Smith, a sojourned Black feminist, reflecting on her feminist activities stated: "I think I could maintain my feminism so strong because I was not constantly embattled with racist White women" (Mansbridge & Smith, 2000, p. 5). Clearly, Black women have always been deeply concerned about women's issues and were frontrunners for women's rights (e.g., Sojourner Truth, Angela Davis) but invisible to White women and white women's groups. Unfortunately, as a result of this invisibility Black women's presence, participation, and contributions were overlooked and not valued by White feminists (Breines, 2002; Hamer & Neville, 1998; Mansbridge & Smith, 2000; Taylor, 1998).
Almquist (1979) pointed out how African American women made their presence felt in feminist groups. "Seventeen percent of the elected state delegates to the 1977 National Women's Conference in Houston were African American women, seven percent more than are in the adult female populations. In addition, there were two national organizations of African American feminists that grew out of and in response to the 1960s Black Liberation Movement and the Women's Movement--The National Black Feminist Organization and Black
Women Organized for Action."
Although many African Americans shied away from feminism because they view all Whites (regardless of sex) as having the same racist ideology, there were African American women, forerunners, and pioneers in the fight for women's rights, who were intensely concerned about women's issues. For example, Truth (1972), an abolitionist of the nineteenth century, in 1853, spoke out for the rights of African American women and the duality they faced, "If colored men get their rights and not colored women theirs, you see the colored men will be masters over the women, and it will be just as bad as it was before." (p. 570). The good news is that there are White feminists and feminist scholars who are deeply concerned about the African American women's charge of racism, and yes there are White women who understand the value of women of color participation in feminist discourse (Baxandall, 2001; Breines, 2002).
The Liberation of the African American Man
In the 1960s, although some Black men believed that the liberation of the Black woman should be a definite part of the Black movement, in essence, Black male scholars told Black women that the emancipation of the African American man was more important than her emancipation. For example, Hare (1976) wrote that in a society that is both racist and sexist, it is the male of the oppressed group who conceivably can take the place of the male oppressor.
However, due to the double oppression African American females endured as being both African American and female, he acknowledges that the African American female's oppression may be more painful, yet he believed that the African American female could never be truly free without the African American male and vice versa. Similarly, Staples (1973) held the belief that Black men should be put in a position of power as a necessary priority to the freedom of African American people, "First, we must recognize that male sexism is a world view, as well as a conspiracy." Still, Stone maintains that the message of the 60s did a great disservice to Black women.
Black Matriarchy
During the sixties White scholars introduced the idea of black matriarchy (at the height of the civil rights movement). This myth portrayed African American families as dominated by women or a female force. When in fact, history has miscast the role African-American women played and plays in African-American life as one of matriarchy when in reality it is matrifocality. That is, the position African American women plays in African American life are contingent upon the kinds of social and economic arrangements the African American group has been subjected to. Precisely, this means there were social structures that virtually denied the African-American woman access to enough food for survival and therefore allowed her the ability to operate as the fulcrum around which African American families rotated.
Stone (1979) believed that the African American woman's subordination was a derivative of both her family-related role and her position in the productive sphere of the economy. Although a lot of African American families have female heads, the African American woman has had neither power in her interpersonal relationship with her African American man, nor has she had economic, political, and social or any other kind of power in the American society--she is powerless. Therefore, if the African American female were the dominant force in the African American family, it would mean that she would not be either subservient to the African American male or in need of liberation. According to Cole (1978):
A woman headed one out of every three Black families. More than half of these families lived below the poverty level. Two out of three married women in African American families worked because of pressing economic need. Yet, African American women workers had an annual median income of $7,831, compared to median incomes of $8,376 for white women, $10,222 for African American men and $14,272 for white men. Further, as proof of economic powerlessness, African American women work in the most menial, backbreaking service occupations; and she usually holds these jobs without medical insurance, sick leave or maternity leave. (p. 143)
Sadly, African American women continue to struggle against the myth of Black matriarchy. African American women, the dominant force in the African American life, in the 21st century continue to occupy the lowest place on the economic totem pole (Collins, 2000; Neville & Hamer, 2001). Even throughout the past, African American females as predominantly heads of household have not had economic, political, social or any other kind of power in the American society or at home (Cole, 1978, Nadasen, 2002).
The African American Church
Last, Black churches, like White churches, have interpreted male dominant scriptures from the Bible and use them as a reason for African American women to shun feminism and be subservient to men. In addition to the myth of Black matriarchy, Stone (1979) believe that the African American church negatively impacted a feminist consciousness. For example, the Ten Commandments define the woman along with the ox and the ass as property that was not to be coveted. "Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house; thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's wife, nor his manservant, nor his ox, nor his ass, nor any thing that is thy neighbor's." Similarly, for many years as part of her marital vows, the woman promised to love, cherish and to obey her husband (The Holy Bible, Ex 20:17). In fact, the word "obey" required of the woman alone was not taken out of the Episcopal marriage ceremony until about 1928.
Yet, the Black church is and has been for decades an emotional support system and the most important social institution in the African American community and the one in which African American women (as opposed to African American men) constitute the base. Ironically, in the midst of the oppressive, sexist nature of the church, it has been a source of liberation, inspiration, spiritual healing, and solace for African American women (e.g., Brown, 1989; Eugene, 1995; Riggs, 1994; Williams, 2000; This sentiment is captured in the following lyrics of the poem Colored girls who have considered suicide/when the rainbow is enuf: "i found god in myself,/i found god in myself/and i loved her fiercely,/i loved her fiercely,/i found god in myself. Further capturing this sentiment is Brown remarks about Black feminist theology,
A Womanist understanding of Christ must confirm that Christ is a "whole" liberator, it must point to Christ's commitment to liberate black men and black women from their social oppression ... Following the lead of black women's witness to Jesus, as well as the synoptic gospels' testimonies about Jesus, womanist theology must articulate that Jesus' significance as Christ is tied not to biological characteristics, but to sustaining and liberating activity on behalf of the oppressed, p. 10
Despite the past and present estrangement between White and African American women, feminist organizations continue to struggle to find ways to create bonds among women of all colors. It is ever dismal and disheartening to see such a lack of collaboration of White women and women of color on critical, important, relevant, and fundamental issues germane to all women (e.g., domestic violence, health, education, and poverty, underemployment, and gender inequities). As women, there is so much reliant on our collective presence such as our future, our children, our health,...
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